By Tariq Mahmud
Published: August 25, 2015
Express Tribune
After achieving some decisive breakthroughs in the tribal areas, Operation Zarb-e-Azb is now moving on to a higher trajectory, making inroads in urban Sindh, pinning down terrorists, militants and their helping hands. The extended reach of the operation has singled out elements within state organs and political parties, which had developed a mutuality of interest with organised crime. Punjab has been no exception, with the chief of the banned Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), Malik Ishaq, being killed along with his companions in a reported police encounter.
In Karachi, it is important that the MQM’s genuine concerns are addressed. Complaints regarding arrests of any innocent workers and their disappearances require a thorough probe so no one may raise a finger on the operation. The MQM has shown commendable restraint after the dastardly attack on Rashid Godil. A new trend of targeting high-profile persons is distinctly visible. At the same, there has been a decline in incidents of organised crime in Karachi. The MQM believes that this is on account of the targeting of the gangs of Lyari and Taliban militants. However, the action against the party’s workers cannot be discounted either, who are wanted by law-enforcement agencies, and many of whom had reportedly moved to foreign lands when the crunch came. What makes the current operation distinct from previous ones is the nature of the thrust and the strikes against front line criminals, who have been nabbed along with their handlers, breaking their links with the masterminds. Some state organs and societal nodal points have been involved in this game, and the key here has been that these forces haven’t been spared. The ongoing operation will not meet its objectives if the nexus between these elements, the state and society is not effectively severed.
While discussing the linkages and subterranean connects of militant elements with state organs and society, I have two incidents of interest to share, from the time when I was posted in the Jhang district in the early 1980s, and later in the Bahawalpur division in the mid-1990s. I had been witness to the early rise of Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi and the late Malik Ishaq as they belonged to these places. They went on to found two fearsome sectarian outfits, namely the Sipah-i-Sahaba and the LeJ. In Jhang, the district administration faced an unusual situation when the Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Fiqha-e-Jafria announced the holding of an all-Pakistan conference in the city of Shorkot. This was a sequel to a long siege by the Tehreek in Islamabad in which a youngster from Shorkot lost his life. Just a few days before the moot, Maulana Haq Nawaz also announced a conference on the same day in Shorkot, close to the venue of the Tehreek’s meeting point. He was asked to shift the event to some other date, but he refused and went underground to avoid contact with the local administration with no one having any clue about his whereabouts. One day, late in the evening while I was still in my office, a leading business figure of the area, whom I knew well before my posting to the district, walked in and inquired about the reason for the late sitting. I shared my concern regarding the two events being held on the same day, in the same city and described the police’s inability to reach the Maulana. On hearing this, he paused for a while, got up and told me that he would bring the Maulana to me. To my amazement, he was true to his word and half an hour later, Maulana Haq Nawaz was in my office. After hearing my views, he again refused to put off the conference, but promised to shift the venue to another place and gave his word that he would not participate in the conference personally as he was known for his fiery speeches. The late Maulana honoured his commitment. In this case, the situation was brought under control because of the presence of an interlocutor, a resourceful person and owner of a leading construction company of the country. I later came to know about his widespread ‘philanthropic links’ with various voluntary agencies, including clerical organisations.
Later in 1996, while posted in Bahawalpur, the city of Rahim Yar Khan came under the spotlight when in a surprise move, some sectarian elements took control of key roads and intersections and renamed them with painted signs. The administration acted swiftly to reverse the move. However, I got a call from the chief minister’s secretariat and was asked to refrain from taking any action. I explained that there was a specified procedure to be followed when naming a municipal road. If someone was desirous to rename a road, then they would have to follow the given procedure. I conveyed that if such an act was condoned, it would set a very wrong precedent. While the district police was chasing these elements, their top leadership, as I came to know, was huddled with the Punjab chief minister at 7 Club Road, Lahore, his residential office, trying to persuade him to stop the administration in Rahim Yar Khan from taking any action. After a while, I got another call from the chief minister’s secretariat telling me to go easy on the workers of the sectarian organisation. By that time, however, the administration had effectively retrieved the situation.
While discussing the linkages and subterranean connects of militant elements with state organs and society, I have two incidents of interest to share, from the time when I was posted in the Jhang district in the early 1980s, and later in the Bahawalpur division in the mid-1990s. I had been witness to the early rise of Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi and the late Malik Ishaq as they belonged to these places. They went on to found two fearsome sectarian outfits, namely the Sipah-i-Sahaba and the LeJ. In Jhang, the district administration faced an unusual situation when the Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Fiqha-e-Jafria announced the holding of an all-Pakistan conference in the city of Shorkot. This was a sequel to a long siege by the Tehreek in Islamabad in which a youngster from Shorkot lost his life. Just a few days before the moot, Maulana Haq Nawaz also announced a conference on the same day in Shorkot, close to the venue of the Tehreek’s meeting point. He was asked to shift the event to some other date, but he refused and went underground to avoid contact with the local administration with no one having any clue about his whereabouts. One day, late in the evening while I was still in my office, a leading business figure of the area, whom I knew well before my posting to the district, walked in and inquired about the reason for the late sitting. I shared my concern regarding the two events being held on the same day, in the same city and described the police’s inability to reach the Maulana. On hearing this, he paused for a while, got up and told me that he would bring the Maulana to me. To my amazement, he was true to his word and half an hour later, Maulana Haq Nawaz was in my office. After hearing my views, he again refused to put off the conference, but promised to shift the venue to another place and gave his word that he would not participate in the conference personally as he was known for his fiery speeches. The late Maulana honoured his commitment. In this case, the situation was brought under control because of the presence of an interlocutor, a resourceful person and owner of a leading construction company of the country. I later came to know about his widespread ‘philanthropic links’ with various voluntary agencies, including clerical organisations.
Later in 1996, while posted in Bahawalpur, the city of Rahim Yar Khan came under the spotlight when in a surprise move, some sectarian elements took control of key roads and intersections and renamed them with painted signs. The administration acted swiftly to reverse the move. However, I got a call from the chief minister’s secretariat and was asked to refrain from taking any action. I explained that there was a specified procedure to be followed when naming a municipal road. If someone was desirous to rename a road, then they would have to follow the given procedure. I conveyed that if such an act was condoned, it would set a very wrong precedent. While the district police was chasing these elements, their top leadership, as I came to know, was huddled with the Punjab chief minister at 7 Club Road, Lahore, his residential office, trying to persuade him to stop the administration in Rahim Yar Khan from taking any action. After a while, I got another call from the chief minister’s secretariat telling me to go easy on the workers of the sectarian organisation. By that time, however, the administration had effectively retrieved the situation.
The point I wish to make through these two cases is that these elements cannot be contained if state organs and forces within the civil society keep propping them up. The various state organs rarely move in concert and are often at cross purposes. It is after many years that there finally seems to be a synchronisation of views and actions at various key levels.
The recent suicide attack in Attock resulting in the assassination of Shuja Khanzada and 18 other persons has been most unfortunate. Mr Khanzada was a humane and warm person, who was a hard taskmaster and was known for his grit and professional clarity. This sad demise of the most valiant fighter against extremism in Punjab reflects a woeful security breach rather than the outreach and strike capabilities of terrorists. The rear of the unfortunate scene of the attack was reportedly unguarded, which gave one of the suicide bombers the needed access to strike, causing the entire structure to collapse. According to reports, the other bomber struck from the front. It is time now that the government stringently enforces security protocols for those on hit lists of terrorists.
Published in The Express Tribune, August 25th, 2015.
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