Pakistan: Asia Bibi blasphemy conviction appeal rejected

Blasphemy is an extremely sensitive issue in Pakistan where 97 percent of the population is Muslim and unproven claims regularly lead to mob violence.

Source/Credit: Al Arabia News
By AFP | October 16, 2014

A Pakistani court on Thursday upheld the death sentence of a Christian women convicted of blasphemy four years ago, as her lawyers vowed to appeal.

Asia Bibi, a mother of five, has been on death row since November 2010 after she was found guilty of making derogatory remarks about the Prophet Mohammed during an argument with a Muslim woman.

"A two-judge bench of the Lahore High Court dismissed the appeal of Asia Bibi but we will file an appeal in the Supreme Court of Pakistan," her lawyer Shakir Chaudhry told AFP.

Blasphemy is an extremely sensitive issue in Pakistan where 97 percent of the population is Muslim and unproven claims regularly lead to mob violence.

Two high-profile politicians -- then Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer and minorities minister Shahbaz Bhatti -- were murdered in 2011 after calling for reforms to the blasphemy law and describing Bibi's trial as flawed.

The blasphemy allegations against Bibi date back to June 2009. [ more .. ]



Read original post here: Pakistan: Asia Bibi blasphemy conviction appeal rejected

Pakistan: Ahmadiyya spokesperson says Ahmadis will not be intimidated, demands govt action

"Hundreds of Ahmadis are killed for their faith yet no one is ever charged for their murder which suggests a grievous degree of negligence on the part of the authorities."

Ahmadiyya Times | News Watch | US Desk
Source/Credit: Ahmadiyya Times
By Staff Report | October 16, 2014

Saleem ud Din, the Ahmadiyya spokesperson in Pakistan, issued a press release yesterday expressing great grief and sadness at the latest murder of a well-known Ahmadi in Kamra, dist. Attock in Punjab.

Victim, Mr Latif Aalam Butt, 62, was killed outside his house in the evening hours on October 15 by unknown assailants who repeatedly fired at him.

Saleem ud Din said the incident represented a continuation of religiously motivated violence against Ahmadis. "Ahmadis are constantly on the receiving end of vicious threats and edicts of death."

"They [Ahmadis] are told that unless they turn away from their beliefs they will face persecution," he added.

Saleem ud Din declared Ahmadis would not be intimidated "by such cowardly attacks." He further added that in order to stop these sorts of incidents, the government should ban hate material against Ahmadis and take measures against those who distribute it.

Saleem ud Din demanded the arrest of those responsible for this crime so that they could swiftly be brought to justice. "Hundreds of Ahmadis are killed for their faith yet no one is ever charged for their murder which suggests a grievous degree of negligence on the part of the authorities."

Victim, Mr Latif Aalam Butt is survived by a wife, four sons and a daughter. 

"He was an extremely kind, loving and pious man who harboured no enmity against anyone," said Saleem ud Din in the press release.

Remains of Latif Aalam Butt were brought to Rabwah where they were laid to rest yesterday.



  --  Pakistan: Ahmadiyya spokesperson says Ahmadis will not be intimidated, demands govt action

Will Pakistan ever follow?

Source: Daily Times
14th of Oct 2014
Nasir Saeed
Although the crime of blasphemy is punishable by law in a majority of Muslim countries, Pakistan is the only country that has made headlines because of its increasing misuse of this law against religious minorities

Recently, Irish Minister Aodhan O Riordain told the Irish parliament to announce a referendum to remove the blasphemy law from the Irish constitution. It was last used in 1855. Although no date has been announced for the prospective referendum, the government’s inclination to reach such a decision is a big step in itself. There is a great chance that the law will be repealed because 61 percent of the constitutional convention members voted in favour of abolition.
Astoundingly, I have not heard of any protest, agitation or life threats towards those who still want the blasphemy law or towards those who are in favour of removal. There are over 50 percent who want to replace the offence in the constitution with a new general provision to include incitement of religious hatred. No matter what happens, I am sure it will all happen in a peaceful and democratic way and will be acceptable to the Irish public, as we have recently seen in the Scottish referendum. 
A majority of the population is Catholic but, under Articles 9 and 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, people have a right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion and freedom of expression. That is why there are some people who are campaigning to repeal the blasphemy law from the Irish constitution without any fear of being attacked or killed, something that is not possible in Pakistan. Pakistan has ratified dozens of international treaties, including the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and is under obligation to bring its domestic laws in line with these treaties so people can practice their right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion and freedom of expression. But, despite international calls, the Pakistani government does not have any such intentions. 
There are a very few countries left in the west that still have the blasphemy law on their statute books; the majority of countries have abolished them. Where these laws still exist, they are almost redundant, and I have never heard of blasphemy cases in these countries. This is because blasphemy laws are not consistent with the promotion and protection of human rights, and limit freedom of speech and expression. The Council of Europe has already stated in its report that the offence of blasphemy should be abolished. In the US, some states still have this law but nobody can be prosecuted because of the first amendment to the constitution. 
The UK abolished its blasphemy law on March 5, 2008, with the consultation of the Church of England. On May 8, 2008, the bill received royal assent and, on July 8, 2008, it came into force. The last person in the UK to be imprisoned for blasphemy was John William Gott from Bradford in December 1921. He had three previous convictions for blasphemy when he was prosecuted for publishing two pamphlets ridiculing Jesus. He was sentenced to nine months hard labour by the Old Bailey Court. Thomas Aikenhead, a Scottish student from Edinburgh, was the last person who was prosecuted and executed at the age of 20 on a charge of blasphemy. 
But now there are some British Muslims who are demanding the reintroduction of the blasphemy law and are lobbying with the MPs and collecting petitions. However, I do not think they will be successful as the legislature, including Prime Minister David Cameron, are well aware of the consequences of this law. Almost all western governments, the UN, Commonwealth, European parliament and world church leaders have raised their concern about the continuing misuse of the blasphemy law against religious minorities in Pakistan. But it is all falling on the deaf ears of the government and politicians alike. Pakistan even supported the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) in its attempts to globalise the crime of blasphemy and, in 2009, the European Union opposed Pakistan’s submission. Pakistan first needs to stop the growing misuse of the blasphemy law within its own borders, which has attracted international criticism on many occasions.
Although the crime of blasphemy is punishable by law in a majority of Muslim countries, Pakistan is the only country that has made headlines because of its increasing misuse of this law against religious minorities. Minorities are living under constant fear for life and demanding its repeal, or at least for it to be amended appropriately. Because of the inattention of past and present governments, it has become a sensitive issue and now we have even failed to discuss this matter in parliament. That is why, when Sherry Rehman submitted a private member’s bill for the amendment of the blasphemy law, she received life threats. Earlier, minority MP Mr Bhandara’s proposal was rejected and Minister Sher Afgan said, “M P Bhandara should not have presented this amendment. Pakistan is an Islamic republic. We cannot tolerate anything on the sensitive issue of defiling the Prophethood.” 
If we cannot discuss the increasing misuse of the blasphemy law in our parliament then what other platform do we have? This is the Pakistani parliament’s responsibility and now we have the example of Ireland in front of us. All over the world new legislation and amendments are made in parliament, and the Pakistani parliament has to do the same, otherwise attacks on churches and temples will continue, incidents of vigilante killings and mob justice will continue. No one knows what will be next as we have seen some high profile people charged under this law. 
According to reports, at least 17 people are on death row, including UK citizen Muhammad Asghar in Adiala jail. He was recently shot by a policeman but survived because of timely medical treatment. 
Now is the time to learn from Ireland and bring this matter to parliament. If the law cannot be repealed, at the very least safeguards should be introduced to stop the continuous misuse of this law. Pakistan should take the example set by Ireland and many other countries that have abolished their blasphemy laws, and realise that it is no longer acceptable to punish others for their religious beliefs.


The writer is a freelance columnist

original post available at 
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/14-Oct-2014/will-pakistan-ever-follow

Pakistan: Blasphemy Case Discharged Against 55 Christians

By , Barnabas Aid On October 13, 2014

Source: Crossmap.com

Charges against 55 Pakistani Christians who were falsely accused of blasphemy have been dropped after a written compromise was agreed between the Muslim accuser and the believers involved.

The accusation of blasphemy was made against a group of Christians in a small village in Tehsil Samandri district, Faisalabad, on 3 September following a dispute with a gang of Muslims over the use of land for a graveyard. Thirteen Christians, including a twelve-year old boy, were arrested; they have now been released.

The Christians were originally charged under section 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code, which refers to defiling the name of Muhammad and carries the death penalty. Remarkably, following the intervention of Barnabas-funded Christian lawyers, this charge was later overturned in a rare move by police.

The accused Christians were instead charged with violating a place of worship or cemetery (section 297 of the Pakistan Penal Code), which does not carry the death penalty. On 30 September, Barnabas Aid received confirmation that this charge has now also been dropped after a written compromise was reached between Muhammad Iqbal, who made the accusation, and the Christians.

The dispute took place after the Christians had acquired verbal permission from a sympathetic Muslim landowner to convert a disused Muslim graveyard into a Christian cemetery. On 3 September, Christians began preparing the land for burying their own dead. This upset local Muslims, who attacked the Christians.

Although the Christians apologised and said that they would not use the land, the blasphemy case was then registered against them. When the thirteen Christians were subsequently arrested, police raided their homes, breaking down the gates and even threatening the believers with death. Many of the remaining Christian families fled their homes after Muslims threatened to set fire to their houses.

The Christians needed to acquire Muslim-owned land to bury their dead because there is a shortage of Christian burial land in the village. The area is home to more than 350 Christian families whereas Muslim families number over 1,000, are generally richer and own more land.

Pakistan's "blasphemy laws" are frequently misused to settle personal scores. Christians and other religious minorities are particularly vulnerable to these accusations; a Christian's testimony in court is worth only half that of a Muslim. Those accused of blasphemy are extremely vulnerable to being attacked.

Barnabas Aid 

Stark contrasts

Source: Dawn.com
By: Ahmad Jan

The writer is a freelance contributor.

A YEAR has passed since almost 100 innocent lives were lost and many people injured at the All Saints Church. The Peshawar incident still haunts and the shame and guilt linger on.

In Pakistan, the Christian community is associated with practically everyone’s lives. As teachers and nurses, its members willingly serve humanity for a good cause. The majority of them live in rundown dwellings and contribute to the community by cleaning our streets and homes — a task that the majority population would rather stay away from. It is a pity that even though the Christians of Pakistan cause no harm and stay away from incitement of any sort, they, like members of other minority communities, still become victims.

The incident at the All Saints Church in the name of religion was probably a tragedy waiting to happen. Hate is a product of the fire of intolerance, which has spread ever since the advent of born-again followers of the majority faith.

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UK and Pakistan treat their minorities differently.

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Some years ago, Eid and Christmas were taking place concurrently. I visited a bakery in Peshawar to buy the usual Eid edibles. Two young Christian boys had come to buy a cake. They requested that ‘Merry Christmas’ be written on it. The owners blatantly refused to do so, saying, “We only write Eid greetings”. The teenagers did not have the courage to question this, as they ‘knew’ their place. The bakery may have had a sweet, honeyed or sugar-coated name but for me it left a bitter taste.

In terms of figures, Christians in Pakistan are believed to number a couple of million or so. The number of Pakistanis in the smaller UK population is not too different. However, these minorities in both lands present a study in contrast.

Muslims in Britain enjoy facilities beyond the rights they ever imagined in their native countries; Pakistani Christians are still waiting for their rights, which Islam guarantees them. In Pakistan, minority places of worship are attacked whereas in numerous places in Britain where the Muslim population has increased, churches are known to have been converted into mosques for the convenience of the community.

In British schools, classrooms during break can become a prayer room led by a nominated imam. Moreover, children at state schools have the choice to ask for halal meals in accordance with their Islamic faith.

In Ramazan, a TV channel broadcast the call to prayer every day during the entire month. The aim was to bring the practice of fasting to mainstream TV as non-Muslims saw Ramazan in terms of only physical hardship rather than as a ‘time of reformation’. Similarly, special programmes are aired, portraying Muslim family life in the UK during the holy month.

The openness to ideas and exchange of religious thoughts is so acceptable in Britain that in the past 10 years, statistics have shown that a large number of British people have converted to Islam, the majority of whom are young women.

Interestingly in finance, the UK has by far the largest number of banks for Muslims interested in Islamic banking. There are fully Sharia-compliant banks in the UK and many leading institutions like Barclays, Royal Bank of Scotland, HSBC and Lloyds Banking Group have set up special branches or subsidiary firms for Muslim clients. In fact, the £12billion worth of assets in Britain’s Islamic banks would exceed the amount in any Islamic bank functioning in Pakistan.

In addition, there are several professional institutions offering education in Islamic finance, perhaps more than anywhere else in the world.

In the UK, I have been working as a language interpreter helping clients and organisations. Every day is a unique experience. On one particular occasion, along with some social workers, I met a young Muslim teenager who had been under the foster care of a Christian lady of East African descent.

The boy did not appear to appreciate the care and kindness offered by the lady and in fact passed critical remarks about her creed. I was too ashamed to translate the words but his disdain was obvious and had been observed.

After the meeting, when everyone had left, I apologised to the lady on the boy’s behalf. She was calm, remained dignified, and reminded me that she belonged to that land, which was once called ‘Habsha’, and the Christian king, Nijjashi, extended asylum to the newly converted Muslims.

On the other hand, the lady narrated another story of an Afghan boy whom she had taken care of as well as a foster parent, who had recently returned to his country. She praised him and said with a sigh that the young man had given her true respect and she considered him a genuine Muslim.

At the end, she looked up and said, the same God will judge us all.

The writer is a freelance contributor.

Published in Dawn, October 5th, 2014

Umerkot marchers’ tale of woe

By I.A Rahman
Source: Dawn.com

The writer is a director of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP).

THE story of the Umerkot Hindu community’s long march to Karachi some days ago merits retelling before a wider audience. A large number of Hindu citizens from Umerkot district, as many as 15,000 by their spokesperson’s count, travelled to the Sindh capital to demand respect for their rights — to justice, to protection of life and liberty, and to equality of status as citizens of Pakistan. They succeeded in persuading the representatives of the provincial government to sign a memorandum of agreement for addressing their grievances.

The event offers another example of the state functionaries’ lack of problem management skills and their penchant for allowing routine administrative matters to fester and develop into deadly sores. The immediate provocation to the protesters was the way the police had dealt with the murder of two Hindu brothers from Umerkot, both traders. But their woes had been piling up for quite some time. They referred to a string of attacks on non-Muslim communities, such as murders, kidnappings, forced conversions and attacks on their places of worship in Umerkot and elsewhere in the province.

Their most recent complaint related to the killing of two men in a ‘police encounter’ and branding them as murderers on the run. They argued that no attempts had been made to capture the ‘suspects’ alive and no probe was carried out afterwards.

The marchers made the following demands: a judicial inquiry into the two traders’ murder should be held by a tribunal headed by a superior court judge and the local community consulted on its terms of reference; a thorough probe into instances of kidnapping for ransom and other grievances; and non-Muslim citizens, who constitute a majority in Umerkot, should have a say in the selection and posting of local officials (especially in police).

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Why must a community be forced to undertake a long march for the redressal of its grievances?

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The demands also focused on the urgent need to investigate Thar’s humanitarian crisis, especially lack of access to food, drinking water and healthcare and the causes and effect of a prolonged drought; the government must implement the Supreme Court directives in the June 2014 judgement; and on the fact that since Sindh departments responsible for minority affairs have ignored the non-Muslims, especially the scheduled castes, a body should be set up to probe the matter.

No sane Pakistani will find anything wrong with these demands. Why must a community be forced to undertake a long march for the redress of grievances that should be addressed as per routine? Three representatives of the marchers and two civil society facilitators held negotiations with the authorities who included three Sindh ministers, the commissioner of Karachi, the deputy commissioner, South, and the DIG police and SSP for Karachi South, and signed the following agreement.

The authorities will redouble their efforts to identify and arrest the killers of the two traders within the shortest possible time.

The report by DIG Sanaullah Abbasi will be shared with the negotiation committee and the victims’ families within four days. If the report is not found satisfactory a fresh inquiry will be ordered.

The victim families will be adequately compensated within two weeks.

The process of setting up a branch of the Citizen Police Liaison Committee at Umerkot will be initiated forthwith.

A joint committee will be set up for action on the marchers’ demands.

The government will ensure that the protesters will not be harassed/intimidated or subjected to penal action.

Just as there was nothing extraordinary about the Umerkot marchers’ demands, what they have been offered amounts to the minimum a responsible government must guarantee its law-abiding citizens. The Umerkot group deserves to be commended for their initiative, though it came only after their cup of patience was about to overflow. The authorities also earned credit by displaying a spirit of accommodation that is quite rare these days.

The Umerkot Hindu community’s plight should be seen in the context of declining standards of protection for the minorities. The killing of Ahmadis and Shia professionals continues unabated and blasphemy cases are acquiring more and more weird forms. The police as a rule are unfriendly and reluctant to extend the victims due protection of law. Those responsible for crimes against the minorities are seldom apprehended and if they are caught the victims are pressurised to make up with them.

The recent killing of a widely respected teacher in Karachi revealed a new stage in organised efforts to punish people for their belief. A fatwa was used to set the stage for Prof Auj’s extermination. The seminary that was alleged to have issued the fatwa declared the document forged. That may be true but forged fatwas are only meant to secure results genuine edicts guarantee. Those determined to go for their rivals under cover of the blasphemy law do not need edicts to justify their grisly deeds. Thus the incident should be seen as a new tactic to legitimise foul murder.

What makes the situation utterly unbearable is the absence of any sign that the state is prepared to protect the victims of religious extremism. The authorities watch the excesses against non-Muslim citizens with indifference that borders on complicity. Like the Umerkot marchers all minority communities hailed the Supreme Court judgement of June last as it stressed the creation of a framework for improving the minorities’ protection. Lack of any sign of implementation of the verdict is adding to the minorities’ sense of despair. Unless the government displays its will to take firm action to ensure respect for the minorities’ rights it will be impossible to hope for a change for the better.

Tailpiece: Dr Tahirul Qadri has reason to thank the libraries department of the government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa for advising 19 universities and institutions in the province to put in their libraries all the books written by him. No reasons for the decision have been given. Obviously, questions regarding the usefulness of these books to students do not arise.

Published in Dawn, October 2nd, 2014

A letter from Dr Abdus Salam to Malala

Disclaimer: the blog post below is an imagining of what Dr Abdus Salam would convey to Malala today

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By: Faraz Talat

Source: Dawn.com

Dear Malala,

Despite all that occurred, I’d always lugged around with me a sliver of optimism. They referred to me as Pakistan’s ‘only’ Nobel laureate; I insisted on being called the “first”.

I was born in a small town called Santokh Das; arguably not as beautiful as your Swat valley, but it did have much to offer. I grew up in Jhang, a city now tainted by its name’s association with dangerous groups.

My father was an education officer working for the Punjab government. I have a feeling your father would've liked him.

Like you, I took a keen interest in my studies. I enjoyed English and Urdu literature, but excelled at mathematics. At a very young age, I scored the highest marks ever recorded then, in my matriculation exam.

My education, however, was never as politically challenging as yours.

I did not have to contend with the Taliban destroying my school, or forbidding boys from receiving education. But whatever barriers they constructed in your way, you bravely broke through them.

In fact, you continue to defy them with every breath you take.

Winning the Nobel prize has enraged your attackers, as it has annoyed many of your countrymen.

It takes courage to walk through it all, and knowing you, courage is not in short supply.

Not a lot has changed in this country. You were mocked and alienated by your countrymen, when you did nothing wrong. I know something of that.

As a nation, we do not want to be celebrated.

What we wish for, is to be pitied.

They were pleased with you as long as you were another local victim. But then, you cast off your victimhood and emerged as a hero, a beacon of hope for young girls around the world. That’s where you lost them.

We don’t like heroes, Malala.

We like battered souls that we can showcase to the world. We want to humiliate the ‘colonialists’ and the ‘imperialists’ for their crimes, real or imagined, against the Muslims of the subcontinent.

We want them to acknowledge the Iqbalian paradise we lost to the plots and schemes of the ‘outsiders’. Any mention of the incalculable harm caused by perpetrators within us, does not assist that narrative.

We do not want to acknowledge the bigotry within, of which I know something too.

This is not something I had fully realised the day I received my Nobel prize. Standing in ceremonial Punjabi garb among a group of men in tuxedos, I was proud to represent my country, though my country was far less thrilled being represented by me.

I was demonized and successfully disenfranchised for my religious beliefs; I was not allowed to offer lectures in certain universities due to threats of violence; my work was belittled by my own people.

I decided that working abroad was better than being treated as foreigner in my own homeland. That only gave further wind to the hurtful theories about me being a ‘traitor’ to my country.

Now, the mantle passes to you, dearest child.

And with it, I regret to pass onto you the heart-wrenching burden it brings.

You are the new 'traitor'.

You are presented with the dire challenge of bringing peace and pride to a country, that doesn't want your gift.

Like a mother of a particularly rebellious child, you must find a way to love them nonetheless. Eventually, I pray, they will understand.

I had the privilege of being the first to offer this country a Nobel Prize. But now there are two of us.

And, I’m still counting.

Yours truly,
Abdus Salam

The author is a doctor from Rawalpindi who writes mostly about science and prevalent social issues. 

He tweets @FarazTalat.

Religion, morality and blasphemy

Source: Daily Times
10 October 2014

People accused of blasphemy are not allowed to defend themselves in court to prove their innocence. Some have been killed in jails by security guards and fellow detainees

• Sarmad Ali
• October 10, 2014
• 3 COMMENTS

   

Recently, a report published in a local newspaper said that there are 148 blasphemy accused presently in different notorious Punjab jails that are already overcrowded. It also mentioned that out of those accused, 12 have been condemned to death while 54 face life sentences along with fines. The 102 remaining cases are still pending in different courts and some are under trial. The highest numbers of blasphemy accused belong to Lahore with almost 78, Faisalabad with 45, Multan with 35 and Rawalpindi with 12. The highest number of people accused of blasphemy is detained in Lahore’s Kot Lakhpat Jail: 25. In comparison, the Central Jail in Sahiwal holds 24, the Central Jail in Faisalabad holds 22, the Central Jail in Bahawalpur holds 13, the District Jail in Jhang holds 10, the Central Jail in Multan holds nine and Adiala Jail in Rawalpindi holds eight. The blasphemy laws were incorporated in the criminal justice system almost three decades ago during the rule of military dictator General Ziaul Haq. Some say that the Islamisation of Pakistan started during Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s regime and Zia only cemented it. For instance, the second amendment to the constitution declaring Ahmedis non-Muslims was supported by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to appease right-wing political forces and the mullahs.
There are many other laws that were introduced into the criminal code of Pakistan to cement and promote the Islamisation of the country. Islamisation has threatened Pakistan’s identity and triggered religious fundamentalism and extremism across Pakistan. Shias in Karachi and the rest of Pakistan are not safe; many have been killed over the last 20 years. I daresay that innocent people have been falsely roped into criminal cases using Section 295 (dealing with blasphemy) of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC). Fundamentalism and extremism are at their peak in Pakistan. People are booked in blasphemy cases to threaten them, making Pakistan a safe haven for fundamentalists. Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s speech of August 11, 1947 set out some marvellous ground rules for building a nation, including the acceptance of people of different faiths. His speech does not get the attention of Islamic forces as it is secular and calls for separation of the state from religion.
Blasphemy cases are mostly lodged against Ahmedis and Christians. The reasons behind why people are booked for blasphemy are twofold: the first is religion and the other is politics. People accused of blasphemy are not allowed to defend themselves in court to prove their innocence. Some have been killed in jails by security guards and fellow detainees. Lawyers who take cases of blasphemy on humanitarian grounds are murdered or forced to stand aside from defending the accused. For instance, Rashid Rehman, a lawyer from Multan, was murdered a few of months ago for defending a young man accused of blasphemy. Mr Rehman accepted the case on humanitarian grounds as no other lawyer in Multan was willing to. Some say the accused was falsely roped into a blasphemy case by Jamaat-e-Islami members in Bahauddin Zakariya University. Frivolous allegations were levelled against him. The investigation conducted by the police was not up to standard and untrue statements were made in their report. One day before the assassination of Mr Rehman, he was threatened with death for defending a blasphemy accused by the opposing counsel in front of the judge. On numerous occasions he said that his life was in danger but the government took no step to provide him with reasonable security. The criminal justice system of Pakistan has lots of lacunae. Here I would like to point out that levelling allegations against someone in a First Information Report (FIR) is not proof of their guilt. The duty of determining the falsity or truthfulness of the allegation is with the judiciary. Therefore, if a person is accused of blasphemy he should be given a fair trial to defend himself in court. In Pakistan, this does not happen: the general public and fundamentalists do not allow them to defend themselves and force the courts to find them guilty.
Another example is of the former governor of Punjab, Salmaan Taseer. He was murdered by his own security guard and his case has been awaiting adjudication in the Islamabad High Court for two years. Mumtaz Qadri, who proudly confessed to the crime, is in the same jail after receiving the death sentence from a trial court. The judge who gave him the death sentence later left the country quietly. The murder of Salmaan Taseer was welcomed by right wing conservative forces and even the lawyers’ community. When he went to court for the first time, Mumtaz Qadiri’s well-wishers showered petals upon him. Salmaan Taseer undoubtedly spoke up for a secular, liberal Pakistan and wanted to challenge fundamentalism and extremism. His intention was to defend downtrodden Pakistani citizens, falsely implicated in blasphemy cases.
Section 295 of the PPC is a tool in the hands of those who do not want Pakistan to be secular, liberal and open. The rights of minorities enshrined in the constitution of Pakistan have never been given to them. Another example is of Muhammad Yousaf, 25, an official prison guard who reportedly said he had dreams that he should kill 70-year-old Muhammad Asghar, an alleged blasphemer and certified mentally ill UK national who has been in Rawalpindi’s Adiala Jail for the past four years. He was awarded the death sentence by a trial court this January. Following his ‘divine instructions’ on the morning of September 25, Yousaf managed to take a pistol into the jail. He went to the barracks where Asghar was detained and shot him in the back. He was hit with two shots and missed the third when nearby guards grabbed him. The bullets passed through the victim’s body, damaging his lungs and ribs. He luckily survived.
The people of Pakistan must ensure due rights to minorities and cases concerning blasphemy must also be stopped. If a person commits blasphemy he must be given the right to defend himself in a court of law; mere allegations are no proof. Secular and liberal voices in Pakistan must also be given space to grow. Blasphemy laws are made incorrectly due to which many innocent people are languishing in jail. I agree with the Senate Standing Committee on National Harmony (SCNH) that in April 2013 met and discussed stern punishment for those making false blasphemy accusations. The committee suggested that the punishment for falsely accusing someone of blasphemy should be the same as that for committing blasphemy. Last year, after the meeting of the SCNH, the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) said that section 194 of the PPC defines punishment for lodging a false case with the police and there was no need to amend the blasphemy laws. This seems somewhat correct. The need is to discourage people from bringing forward blasphemy cases. I connect the blasphemy cases with a lack of tolerance in Pakistani society. Pakistan can only get rid of its religious extremism and fundamentalism if it embraces secularism, otherwise I am afraid the state of Pakistan will not survive and we all will be affected by violence and fundamentalism.


The writer is an advocate of the high court and lectures in the Law of Succession. He can be reached at greenlaw123@hotmail.com

Pain of Pakistan's outcast Ahmadis

Ahmadiyya Times | News Watch | 
Source/Credit: BBC News
By  BBC News | September 30, 2014

Pakistan's constitution was amended 40 years ago to declare Ahmadis to be non-Muslims. Regarded by orthodox Muslims as heretical, Ahmadis are not allowed to refer to their places of worship as mosques or to publicly quote from the Koran - acts punishable by imprisonment of up to three years.

Critics of the anti-Ahmadi laws say they have encouraged violence against the community. Residents of the all-Ahmadi town of Rabwah told BBC Urdu's Nosheen Abbas of their fears for the future.

The survivor: I was in one of the mosques 

Usama Munir used to be a banker in Lahore, but after his father was killed in attacks on Ahmadi mosques in the city in 2010, he decided to move to Rabwah.

Usama was in one of the mosques in Lahore, but survived the attacks which were blamed on Sunni militants.

He felt his survival was another chance at life and he moved to Rabwah to dedicate himself to the Ahmadi community's local chapter (known as Jamaat).


'Every day is a challenge for me as an Ahmedi student'

Humaira (not her real identity) is a student outside Rabwah.

She says she faces discrimination on a daily basis - unlike her older sister who also studied at the same university, she is unable to stay in the dorm because Ahmadi students are not welcome there, she says.

Her older sister told us that moves to ban Ahmadi students from the dorms had begun while she was a student. Humaira says she and other young Ahmadis need to fight against this discrimination.


The leader: 'It's said it's necessary to kill Ahmadis'


Head of all Ahmadi missions in Pakistan describes how violence against Ahmadis extends to threats against children

Mirza Khursheed Ahmed is the head of all the Ahmadi missions in Pakistan.

He believes the community will see better days - but says the younger generation should be prepared for tough times.

Anti-Ahmadi laws had set a precedent in the country and any community could be stigmatised in the future, he said.

Mirza Masroor Ahmed: 'Ahmadis are in for a more difficult time'

Mirza Masroor Ahmed believes that the atmosphere in Pakistan is growing ever more difficult for Ahmadis.

He says that when the state denies rights to one group it leads to wider religious intolerance.

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-29415356

Read original post here: Pain of Pakistan's outcast Ahmadis