Pakistan’s rally for humanity

By Nadia Naviwala

Published: December 23, 2014

The writer teaches US Foreign Policy at the National Defense University in Islamabad. She is a former US Senate staff member and graduate of Harvard Kennedy School. She tweets @NadiaNavi

The protest in front of the Lal Masjid demonstrates that even a small, determined crowd in Pakistan cannot be ignored. Twice, we received threats. One that Abdul Aziz himself and his followers were coming for us if we did not disperse. Another that the Taliban themselves were coming to attack the gathering. But standing together, it felt like standing and staying was the only way to send a message to the Taliban, to the government, to the police standing in our way: the people of Pakistan have found a way out of silence.

In moments of crisis, it is common for countries to experience a rally around their flag. In these moments, public and media opinion aligns with the government, and leaders face a huge political imperative to act. Pakistan’s rally is different. In a country where the flag is under question, if not attack, Pakistan’s rally is for humanity. In this, the government has a mandate to act. But with that, as after 9/11, there is the possibility of overreaction, mis-action, and chasing the wrong demons. Asma Jahangir is right. While the hanging of convicted terrorists satisfies a public baying for blood, it is just that. Blood. And the politics of a government that must do something. But hanging terrorists of the past 20 years won’t solve our problems today or alleviate the threat of future attacks. Pakistanis know too well that eliminating individuals alone will not erase the threat. What Pakistan needs is intelligence-sharing and cooperation between domestic security agencies, police reaching out to communities to improve relations and, therefore, intelligence-gathering, effective perimeter security and quick response teams in case of lapses, proper investigations that produces evidence that can be used in court, and a functioning criminal justice system that produces convictions.

People argue that it doesn’t matter if thousands come out onto the streets. Until the state changes, Pakistan will not change. The evidence is against them. Non-violent resistance movements are proven to be twice as effective as violent ones. They challenge the sources of a state’s power and legitimacy, and ultimately inspire defections within the state, including military establishments. Even last night, while the police stood between us and the Aabpara station, a police chief said he was “with” us and offered us advice.

The Pakistani public is asking hard questions and making demands for real transformation in the way the state frames and manages national security. Party conferencing, planning and development, and bureaucracy creation just squanders the current opportunity. Pakistanis need transparency and public accountability for who is being killed in militancy-struck regions and why. We do not need airstrikes which are disproportionately used to target individuals and deliver body counts. Pakistanis need discussion and proof of the dismantling of the good Taliban, bad Taliban framework — and that can start by ending state protection for Abdul Aziz. And rather than the Army’s instant externalisation of this threat to Afghanistan, Pakistanis need to see the problem — homegrown, home-fed and co-located at home — addressed at home. The rally around the flag effect does not last long, but a rally for humanity can.

Published in The Express Tribune, December 23^rd, 2014.

Read the original post at: http://tribune.com.pk/story/810766/pakistans-rally-for-humanity/

Red is such an ugly colour on green

By Zahra Peer Mohammed Published: December 18, 2014

My Facebook timeline is black. It’s so black that every time a coloured photo appears on it, I am taken aback and even angered; how anyone can think of posting anything other than black?

Black is an appropriate colour for today. I think if grief and shock to the point of being numb would have a colour, it would be black. I want everything to be black; I want my mind to go black, and I keep trying to make it do so, but it insists on flashing bright red with images of the beautiful children of my country, murdered in cold blood.

They did the right thing, these children. Setting a fine example of obedience and discipline for the youth of our country; they donned their smart green blazers in the morning and went out with high hopes that perhaps one day their endeavours would bring pride to their parents and in turn, their country.

But who would have thought that their frail bodies would be shouldering the crippling weight of a war that isn’t theirs? Who would have thought that red on green would be such an ugly colour?

Big hands turn to cotton when it comes to defence against guns and grenades so what could little hands possibly do in protection against a hail of bullets?

No. They didn’t stand a chance. And the heinous, most low form of life, these terrorists knew as much when they went storming in to their school, apparently having never heard the phrase ‘pick on someone your own size’. But that’s what cowards do; they attack from behind and they choose someone weaker to torture.

I am sorry my dear beautiful children of Peshawar, because you should have had the right to grow up and live your dreams; you should have had a chance to see how different the world looks when you are taller; you should have had the right to live because you did nothing wrong.

I would love to say that we will avenge every drop of your precious blood and I would love to believe Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif when he says that you are like his children. Truth is that this act of depravity will not be the last one we’ll see. There will be a deluge of condemnations, protests, speeches and perhaps even sit-ins — but aside from your family, no one will remember your blood stained uniforms next year. There will be no museums for you and there will no movies made in your memory. You are 132 angelic drops in an ocean, and even if you were 1,032 drops, no one would care.

Just the same way as no one cares today about the 120 people who died last January after two blasts shattered a snooker hall in Quetta; just the same way as nobody remembers the 80 innocent church goers who were murdered in your very own city last year in September, when two bombs tore through their church; just the same way as not a soul is paying attention to the fact that between 2009 and 2012, there were 800 attacks on schools in Pakistan.

Nothing changes here, except the attacks gets more and more heinous and the silence in action that ensues grows louder and louder. It’s all part and parcel of being Pakistani, you see. We are children of a lesser God and our blood has no value.

Rest in peace my little angels, and enjoy all the attention being showered on you today, because you can rest assured that it won’t last beyond a week.

This post originally appeared here.

Former Blogs Desk Head and Senior Sub-Editor at The Express Tribune. She is a business graduate from the Queen's School of Business who tweets @ZahraPeer (twitter.com/ZahraPeer). She blogs at zahrapeer.wordpress.com

Blasphemy Law -- A Blasphemy In Itself

Why are people defending Jamshed, and where were they when all the others were being accused and killed for blasphemy? Why were those perpetrators never caught?


Ahmadiyya Times | News Watch | Int'l Desk
Source/Credit: Rantings Of A Bub | Blog
By Saniya Ahmad | December 10, 2014

A couple of weeks ago, social media burst with the news of a video of Junaid Jamshed where he insulted the wife (Hazrat Ayesha) of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). In this video, Junaid Jamshed insulted Hazrat Ayesha, trying to prove a point about how women are flawed and defected.

As soon as the video went viral and people started hurling abuses at him for giving such insulting remarks to the wife of the most revered Prophet in Islam, Jamshed made a video, apologizing for his remarks, and claimed that he is a flawed human, and that since he gives lectures thrice a day, a mistake of this caliber was bound to happen. The video captures him putting his hands in front of people, crying, and begging them to forgive him for committing such a horrifying mistake.

While, most of the people believed Jamshed’s apology and forgave him for the video, I believe otherwise. I believe that he does not get to make such a horrendous mistake and then get away with it just by making a video, with tears streaming down his face. I will not even talk about whether he bothered to ask forgiveness from Allah, because that is a matter which will remain between the two of them. However, does him being a popular figure mean that he is exempt from all the sins he commits, just by making a video? Why then were the other accused persons not allowed a chance to spare a few minutes and make a similar video? Why was Asia bibi imprisoned and not given a chance to defend herself? All the accused would have been either alive or free, living their life normally instead of rotting in jail for Section 295-C which claims: Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representation or by any imputation, innuendo, or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiles the sacred name of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) shall be punished with death, or imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine.

This does not in any way mean that I support the blasphemy case that has been filed against Jamshed. He has lowered the status of women in Islam, even though they are given a much higher status. He tends to degrade them instead of dignifying them. However, all of that aside, my question is this – why is the blasphemy law not equal for everyone? Why are people defending Jamshed, and where were they when all the others were being accused and killed for blasphemy? Why were those perpetrators never caught?

Jamshed has been known to flee Pakistan to United Kingdom soon after the blasphemous video went viral. No one will admit this but everyone knows that he is not coming back anytime soon, not until this case is closed, not until his own fellow citizens forgive him, and most importantly, not until everyone forgets about this and finds somebody else to blame everything on. It does make me think that he is lucky he has the money and resources to fly away to another country, while Asia bibi, who was also accused of blasphemy and was arrested and imprisoned, had nowhere to escape to.

The blasphemy laws, giving the right in the hands of man, to hand out a death sentence or a life imprisonment penalty, have given liberty to many a people to accuse their enemies of blasphemy, thereby allowing them to punish them for crimes they might not even have committed. While our country is called the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, these laws are in no way Islamic and they need to be removed if the citizens of Pakistan are to live their life in peace.



Read original post here: Blasphemy Law: A Blasphemy In Itself

Our responsibility on minority killings

Among various violent events, not all of them click with Pakistani reformers. In order to be worthy of attention, the event first needs to be picked up by western organisations

Daily Times
Syed Kamran Hashmi

Pakistanis hanker for a moment of joy, a reason to celebrate and a piece of good news. But, unfortunately, we do not get much. After suffering through a series of bad news, we may bag one piece of good news, if we are lucky. Recognising its scarcity, it therefore is treated like the birth of a boy child, celebrated with music, street dances and, of course, desserts. Besides cricket, do we get good news from any other place? Mostly no. Although the entertainment industry contributes to our good fortune sometimes when Rahat Ali Khan or Fawad Khan get recognised in Bollywood, there too the talent of our female lead actors spoils the party. In no way do I want to sound like a typical Pakistani male chauvinist but the talent our female artists promote as the key to their success in India, has less to do with art or performance and has more to do with carnal pleasures.

On the other hand, bad news, as unpleasant as it is, strikes us from every possible direction: political, constitutional, financial, economic, and related to violence. Leaving the ongoing and never-ending political drama aside, amongst all of them, it is the violent bits of news that grab our attention the most. Violence in itself can strike us in innumerable ways. How about the example of a two-year-old girl kidnapped and raped, her body found in the trash, or a 10-year-old child abducted for ransom, his parents pleading for help, the perpetrators demanding a million dollars from the family? Likewise, there is the case of a young physician shot dead by unknown assassins, the victim’s faith playing a role in his murder. There is the college student gunned down in Karachi, his political affiliation raising suspicion of his being target killed. How about the bomb blast shaking a whole city, its death toll exceeding 50, the number of injuries scoring above the 100 mark? There is the mob lynching of an innocent couple, the ostensible reason for this brutality being blasphemy. In short, for social activists, journalists, opinion makers and self-appointed reformers, there is sufficient material to write and express their frustrations. On the other hand, there exists sufficient material for the ordinary Pakistani to be depressed.

Among the various violent events, not all of them click with Pakistani reformers. In order to be worthy of attention, the event first needs to be picked up by western organisations. However, once they have reported on it, we lunge at the opportunity to pen down our observations as if the credit for this news in fact belongs to us alone. As a matter of faith we then write articles for weeks in every newspaper and every journal on the issue. Our efforts are not limited to just Pakistani media houses. We, in an attempt to be heard across the globe, also jot down our opinions in international publications. Our stories may lack accuracy but they sure run high on emotions. And they may set the bar a tad bit lower on objectivity but they, by all means, seize the top slot on passion and verbosity.

No matter who reported the incident first and no matter how accurately it is written, nothing changes on the ground. Turning a blind eye to the incident as if nothing has happened, the administration literally sleeps on it. No one amongst them musters up any courage to challenge the blasphemy law or stand up for the victims belonging to the minority communities. Yes, they perform some lip service in order to score some political points but nothing more. Consumed by protecting their own interests and to avoid a religious backlash, they never try to tackle extremism. It is too risky. The media too, after its initial outburst, does not question the actions of religious forces, even at the cost of human lives.

As a consequence, two or three weeks down the road life returns to normal. All the reformists who wrote a series of intense articles turn their attention towards the political battlefield. This fight between the two parties never ends just as the quarrel between a mother and her daughter-in-law never concludes in television soaps.

The point is that we the people, carrying the camera or the pen, shouldering a responsibility to impel the government to ensure the security of every citizen, including the minorities, cannot lose focus. Hopping from one incident to another, we have failed to serve the meek, the vulnerable and the poor. With our emotional write-ups we only serve ourselves, promoting our intellect and not theirs. This is why it is time for introspection and we should ask ourselves why we could not pen down as many articles on the cleric than the Christian? You must have come across the pictures of the children or parents of the slain husband and wife. Now tell me how many of you have stumbled upon any pictures of the mosque or the cleric of that scared place? Do you have any knowledge of how it generates its funds? Did someone inform you of the sect of that individual? Where did he get his education? What was he taught in the seminary? I did not think so.

Learning from our own mistakes, we as a community, from now on, must focus on the perpetrators of the crime, investigating the seminaries, exposing their finances and their connections. This can help Pakistan identify the evil that lurks behind a pious face. No, I do not consider it the job of the administration alone. You and I both know very well that any government, present or future, democratic or authoritative, left or right, will not venture onto that road. The backlash can be severe and the government may lose its grip on power. To get the job done we must uncover the dark side of these clerics who incite such violence. They all have one. And we should instil a fear of accountability in them through our public exposé. Let us ask them questions and let us treat them like we treat politicians. Remember, the clergy is not Islam. Differentiate between the two. Let them think twice before they abuse religion for personal gains.

The writer is a US-based freelance columnist. He tweets at @KaamranHashmi and can be reached at skamranhashmi@gmail.com

original post available at: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/12-Dec-2014/our-responsibility-on-minority-killings 

From Aasia to Junaid: the monster devours all

Unfortunately, often the first deadly symptom of born again faithfuls is the tendency to consider females inferior to men. This is a great disservice that clerics like Maulana Tariq Jamil are doing to society

Daily Times
Haider Shah

The demon of blasphemy has gone berserk. After targeting the poor, illiterate and deprived sections of our society it has turned its attention towards those who live off the fat of the land. How life suddenly turned topsy-turvy for the stylish morning anchor Shaista Wahidi when a mischief monger from a rival channel actively promoted a blasphemy allegation against her morning show we have already seen in the recent past. So potent is the weapon of the blasphemy charge that the biggest private channel in the country was stabbed and wounded by a handful of hardwired instigators. And now blasphemy has the most interesting victim. The pop singer-turned-cleric-cum-fashion designer Junaid Jamshed is now in the jaws of this demon.

In all honesty, while I feel a bit sorry for the hapless sermoniser on the one hand, I draw some comfort from the fact as well that now the potential destructive power of the blasphemy laws and related rhetoric can be seen in its full, horrific detail. This latest episode again reminds me of the story of two cadaver (corpse for anatomy) supply criminals, which I narrated in a column about two years ago. Burke and Hare, two poor opportunists from a 19th century Edinburgh slum area, accidently found a new moneymaking opportunity by supplying the corpse of an old tenant to Dr Knox of the University of Edinburgh to reclaim the debt the dead tenant owed them. Like vultures, they started spotting old and abandoned persons and would bring them to their lodging to let them die and, realising profit from the corpse supply to Dr Knox, instead of waiting for natural death, they started suffocating their drunk victims to death for a quicker delivery. After some local uproar over the missing persons, the police arrested the criminals when one day a student of the university was murdered by the two and his corpse was supplied to the medical school. As long as blasphemy had its jaws upon the poor like Aasia, Rimsha and Shama Bibi, little did we care about the issue. A little alarm was caused when, more recently, two Karachi University Religious Studies professors were killed in broad daylight over alleged blasphemy charges. However, for the first time, we see the sinister shadow falling upon someone who had iconised faith-coated piety for the rich and fashionable. Using his celebrity status he became a very sought after showbiz cleric, threatening the monopoly of the likes of Aamir Liaqat.

On the Rationalist Society forum we have had frequent discussions over many misogynist statements made by Junaid Jamshed. Unfortunately, often the first deadly symptom of born again faithfuls is the tendency to consider females inferior to men. This is a great disservice that clerics like Maulana Tariq Jamil are doing to society when they turn useful contributors of social services into self-centred male chauvinists. Jamshed’s music was a source of comfort to millions of music lovers who would listen to his songs to neutralise the toxic effect of our stressful lives. Ever since Junaid Jamshed became Tariq Jamil’s disciple, the country lost that singer. Instead was born a highly arrogant male chauvinist who equated piety with the propagation of irrational views about women’s role in society. On one programme he forced a morning show host to wear a hijab and then went on declaring that he had banned his wife’s driving as that was against Islam. His recent outburst against women that has led to him becoming a fugitive is therefore just a manifestation of his newly prejudiced thinking, installed by the Tableeghi programmers in his brain. In that way, Junaid is himself a victim of surgery gone wrong.

In Pakistan, hypocrisy is institutionalised on various levels of society. Junaid Jamshed constantly issued venomous statements against the 100 million living females of Pakistan yet he remained a darling of the media and its viewers. Neither was he ever boycotted nor did his super expensive apparel business suffer. However, hardly had he uttered something that referred to a personality from the distant past, so strong was the reaction that he had to flee alive from his dil dil Pakistan. Day and night Junaid Jamshed taught us that secularism was a synonym for evil. Today he has found refuge in the streets of London, a secular, evil city. The supporters of Junaid Jamshed rightly argue that he should be forgiven after he has apologised for his comments. But if we compare the cases of Aasia and Jamshed, we find Aasia a much more sympathy-deserving case. In Jamshed’s case the evidence of blasphemy is well established and irrefutable. In Aasia’s case the evidence is based on hearsay as no documentary proof is on record. Secondly, Junaid Jamshed made the comments fully knowing the nature of his offence as he has made a living out of religious sermons. Aasia is an illiterate, poor, rural Christian woman who cannot be imagined to fully appreciate the nature of blasphemy and related law.

A Baltistan’s judge’s verdict against Veena Malik, Dr Shaista Wahidi and Mir Shakilur Rehman had already shown that the blasphemy law was like a loaded pistol left unguarded in a house full of children. Now, after Junaid Jamshed’s case, no one should feel safe from the pernicious reach of the tentacles of blasphemy. Pakistani society and its sensible opinion makers should revisit this burning issue as sleeping over grave matters is hardly a strategy at all.

The writer teaches public policy in the UK and is the founding member of the Rationalist Society of Pakistan. He can be reached at hashah9@yahoo.com

for original post: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/13-Dec-2014/from-aasia-to-junaid-the-monster-devours-all

A test case for justice

Zohra Yusuf

Updated Nov 17, 2014 08:15am

The writer is chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.

The horrifying case of the killing and burning of a young Christian couple, Shama and Sajjad, by a mob in a village in Kasur could become a test case for the government to demonstrate — for once — its commitment to the rule of law in incidents where the vulnerable are attacked.

For the first time, the state has become a petitioner in the case and appointed a minister, Kamran Michael, to be the focal person on the case.

However, we cannot hold our breath expecting justice to be miraculously delivered. Going by past instances, it is members of minority communities who are persecuted — and prosecuted — while perpetrators are set free. The administration and the judiciary are responsible for this unjust state of affairs.

Read: 50 villagers held over burning of Christian couple to death

Meanwhile, the family of Shama has already rejected the government’s decision and has decided to be plaintiffs themselves, demonstrating a lack of trust in the government.

The greatest challenge in the current situation is one of impunity. Since the addition of Sections B and C to PPC 295 (commonly known as blasphemy laws) by the government of Gen Ziaul Haq in 1986, over 60 people have been killed — either by enraged mobs or individuals (including policemen) in prisons.

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Since the killing of Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer, calls for the repeal of blasphemy laws have died.

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The first case to come to public attention was that of Naimat Ahmar in 1992, a 45-year-old Christian school teacher in Faisalabad who was stabbed to death by a student. According to subsequent reports, he was targeted for refusing to be transferred to another town; his position in the government school was desired by a Muslim teacher. Following wall chalking accusing Ahmar of blasphemy, a 20-year-old student, Farooq, killed him.

Since then the toll has risen. Manzoor Masih, accused of blasphemy, was killed at a bus stop in Lahore in April 1994. A deeply religious man and homeopathic doctor, Farooq, was lynched and burnt to death in Gujranwala in 1994. Samuel Masih was killed by a policeman assigned to guard him in hospital in 2003.

In April 2008, a factory worker in Karachi, Jagdish Kumar, was lynched by fellow workers. And so the list goes on.

Also read| Kot Radha Kishan: ‘There was nothing left to bury’

Whether it’s a matter of targeting an individual or a community, personal enmity or an eye on property has almost always been a factor. Shantinagar in 1997, Gojra in 2009 and Joseph Colony (Lahore), and Francis Colony (Gujranwala) in 2013 are examples where crowds have been instigated to attack entire neighbourhoods of Christians allegedly by property grabbers. In July this year, four members of the Ahmadi community were killed in Gujranwala when their home was attacked by a mob on the pretext of a member having committed blasphemy.

In all the above cases, no one was convicted. The course of ‘justice’ in each case reveals the painful reality that non-Muslims cannot place hope in either the administrative or legal system. Credibility is stretched when in each case, we are informed that the Christian community, after incurring deaths and damage to property, has ‘forgiven’ the perpetrators — the Muslim majority.

This happened in the case of Gojra when seven Christians were burnt alive and four shot dead while many homes were damaged because a Christian man had allegedly desecrated pages of the Quran. The Punjab government proudly spoke of ‘reconciliation’ achieved through its efforts. Although many homes were reconstructed, the acute sense of injustice the community continues to feel is understandable.

In the case of Joseph Colony, those arrested for destroying over 160 Christian homes were quickly released on bail with no further progress reported on their trial. The sole Christian charged, Sawan Masih, whose alleged blasphemy had been used to instigate mobs, was given the death sentence in a rare display of speedy justice.

From Shantinagar to Gojra and to Francis and Joseph colonies, the role of the Punjab police needs special investigation.

Again it stretches credibility when we see the Punjab police showing helplessness in controlling a charged mob attacking non-Muslims, while its brutality is evident when it’s a matter of dealing with protesters — whether it’s killing 14 Minhajul Quran workers in Model Town, Lahore, or raining blows on unarmed workers of OGDC in Islamabad.

It seems that elements in the Punjab police have become radicalised and this is an aspect that needs to be probed by the provincial government. The Ahmadi community has made many complaints regarding the Punjab police’s role in instigating violence against its members.

Since the killing of Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer in January 2011, calls for the repeal of blasphemy laws have died.

Debate itself has been stifled. Those defending the law claim that it is meant to prevent people from taking the law into their hands. However, this is precisely what the additional clauses have provoked. It must be remembered that hardly any cases of blasphemy surfaced when the punishment was milder (maximum 10 years’ imprisonment) and applied to all faiths, instead of being Islam-specific. Have people suddenly become irrational in deliberately committing blasphemy since the introduction of these clauses?

Also read: Qadri confesses killing Taseer, says he acted alone

The assassination of Taseer, followed by that of minorities affairs minister Shahbaz Bhatti, demonstrated that even criticism of the blasphemy laws is being considered a blasphemy offence. The weak response of the then government to the two high-profile killings of leaders who also happened to belong to the ruling party emboldened bigots. And with the two deaths, it appears the few voices of opposition also died.

An attempt by then PPP MNA Sherry Rehman to introduce reforms was disowned by her own party.

Also read: Blasphemy case registered against Sherry Rehman: report

The stifling of criticism ensures that the pattern of persecution continues unchallenged: make an allegation against someone you have a grudge against (preferably a non-Muslim), have announcements made against the person through mosques, collect a mob and surround the person or community.

Mission accomplished and few questions asked. Let the Shama-Shahzad case restore a semblance of justice.

The writer is chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.

Published in Dawn, November 17th, 2014

An open letter to the PM

Published in Daily Times

Sir: Your Excellency,

Salaam from the entire Christian community of Mirpurkhas.

We, the Christian community of Mirpurkhas, are writing to you with great concern regarding the consequences of the Law of Blasphemy (295 B and C). Already, many innocent people — Muslims, Christians and even Hindus — have lost their lives and many others continue to suffer in prisons across the country. In the latest incident related to blasphemy, we all sorrowfully recall how Mr Shahzad Masih, his wife Shama Bibi and their unborn child were burnt alive in a brick kiln. We appreciate the arrest of some of the culprits and the compensation paid by Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif to the victims’ children. He has also taken up the responsibility of educating these children. These are good gestures on the part of the government but these are certainly not the solutions that we need.

We fear that more such incidents will occur. More innocent people will either lose their lives or get arrested for a crime they have not committed. We also fear that the courts will not be able to provide justice as judges and lawyers who are involved in defending blasphemy accused persons are afraid to lose their lives and, out of fear, will either not represent their clients or will let them be sentenced to death. The late Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer and Minister for Minorities Shahbaz Bhatti lost their lives just because they showed sympathy towards a blasphemy victim and also spoke against the misuse of the blasphemy laws. The government may not have hanged the charged victims but there is always the chance that we might see that unfortunate day as well or they will be killed either in their jail cell or somewhere outside.

Why is this intolerance increasing? The real reason is the misuse of the blasphemy law. As long as there exists this law, we are bound to have more and more tragic incidents like this. We all know the origin of these laws. It was the dictator Ziaul Haq who brought forward these laws and it was your government that got them passed in the Assembly, and now we are facing the music. The kind of Islam the dictator imposed on this country was only for his benefit, to control the poor masses, the marginalised and the minorities. This has made the people, especially some of the illiterate Muslims, so irrational that they kill, burn property and loot in the name of Islam, which is not actually Islam.

In London, you signed a Charter of Democracy with Benazir Bhutto. In that charter you categorically agreed that military dictatorship is wrong and undemocratic. Your document states: “Noting the most devastating and traumatic experiences that our nation experienced under military dictatorships that played havoc with the nation’s destiny and created conditions disallowing the progress of our people and the flowering of democracy.” Again the document states: “We shall not join a military regime or any military sponsored government. No party shall solicit the support of military to come into power or to dislodge a democratic government.”

Through the charter we see a development in your approach. You once served under a dictator and, after suffering the consequences from another dictator, you have realised that military rule is not favourable at all for the country. I now only request you to accept the fact that the dictator you served was also cruel. So cruel that we are still suffering from what he introduced. His policies only addressed a part of the Pakistani population. We request that you abolish all that the dictator Ziaul Haq introduced in the name of Islam, especially 295 B and C of the Pakistan Penal Code and work on policies that will benefit every Pakistani regardless of his or her creed and culture just as you and Benazir Bhutto promised in the Charter of Democracy.

CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY

Mirpurkhas

the original post available at

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/letters/26-Nov-2014/an-open-letter-to-the-pm

Grappling with sectarian intolerance

By Syed Mohammad Ali

Published: November 25, 2014

The writer is a post-doctoral fellow at McGill University

Amidst heightened security, the commemoration of Muharram this year has passed without major incidents of violence. However, sectarian violence remains a lingering problem indicative of the religious myopia plaguing our society.

Sectarian identity has become politicised as a result of both domestic and international factors. Sectarianism in Pakistan escalated due to the proxy conflict between Saudi Arabia and post-revolution Iran, further fuelled by the anti-Soviet Afghan jihad, which was supported and financed by not only Saudi Arabia, but the US as well. The Pakistan government’s own ambiguous relationship with sectarian groups has further served to exacerbate the problem.

Sectarian conflicts have been growing in frequency over the past three decades, with an average of more than 1,000 people killed or injured in sectarian attacks annually between 2009 and 2013, with the Shias suffering the brunt of this violence. These figures are cited in a new special report published by the US Institute of Peace, titled “Religious Authority and the Promotion of Sectarian Tolerance in Pakistan”.

The above-mentioned report includes a survey of more than 1,500 men in Punjab and another 800 in Quetta, aiming to directly assess prospects for sectarian harmony. For this purpose, the survey asked respondent questions like “To what extent do you believe that a politician of a different sect can represent your concerns or solve the problems you and your community face?”, “To what extent do you agree with the statement that parents should not punish their children for marrying members of different sects … ?”, and “To what extent do you agree with the statement that, if violence arises between Shia and Sunni communities, you should support the other sect if your group initiated the violence?”

The survey found in both Punjab and Quetta that individuals concerned about extremist religious groups operating in society, were themselves likely to express tolerant sectarian views. Shia respondents to the survey consistently endorsed the need for tolerance more than Sunni respondents. Interestingly, Shias in both Quetta and Punjab were also more likely to express tolerant views of Ahmadis than Sunni respondents. Perhaps, the Shias’ status in Pakistan has now made them more sensitive to the dangers of sectarian intolerance.

However, this survey’s findings contradict conventional wisdom about intolerance and its relationship to educational background and economic status. High-income individuals were surprisingly less open to the idea of politicians of another sect representing their interests, and they were also less likely to hold their own sect accountable for use of violence. Moreover, attending madrassas was not found to be a predictor either, since these individuals were no more or less likely to express agreement to the above questions compared with other survey respondents.

There have been some recent positive steps taken to combat sectarianism in the country. Earlier this year, the Pakistan Ulema Council issued a statement saying that no one belonging to an Islamic sect could be declared an infidel. Some months ago, the Ministry of Planning, Development and Reform also hosted a roundtable conference on interfaith harmony. There have been grass-roots efforts to combat sectarian intolerance through cross-sectarian religious forums, such as the establishment of a sect-free mosque in Islamabad last year. Such initiatives are encouraging signs of attempts to actively confront sectarian intolerance, which merit recognition as well as wider replication.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 25^th, 2014.

In the name Religion

The Express Tribune

By Dr Farzana Bari

Published: November 24, 2014

The writer is a human rights activists and director of the Gender Studies Center. She tweets @drfarzanabari

The most horrifying of incidents, of a mob lynching and incinerating the bodies of a Christian couple accused of committing blasphemy, deeply shocked and saddened the nation. This was followed by another heart-breaking incident of rape and killing of a six-year-old child from the Hazara community in Quetta. In another incident, a man accused of blasphemy in prison was shot at by a prison guard, who was apparently under the ideological influence of Mumtaz Qadri, the killer of former Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer. In addition, a suicide bomber blew himself up at the Wagah border, killing around 60 people and injuring many. Most of these crimes against humanity were committed by invoking religion as a pretext.

Therefore, it is imperative that these incidents of brutality should not be seen and condemned as isolated incidents. Such violence and vigilantism is the result of the jihadist policy that the state has followed. A radicalised mindset has been systematically created and supported in order to pursue political interests within the country and in the region. Thus, the state is equally responsible for this mob mentality and the violation of human rights in Pakistan.

We are now trapped. The monstrosity that was funded for decades is now challenging the state’s writ. Increasing intolerance in society is posing a serious existential threat to minority communities.

All such communities across Pakistan are at risk, due to increasing militancy and extremism, however, the nature of their oppression varies from area to area. They live in constant fear. Their lives and properties are often threatened. Due to growing intolerance and the inability of the government to protect them, they are often forced to leave the country. The size of the non-Muslim population at the time of independence was little over 15 per cent, which has now been reduced to just three per cent.

Forced conversions, and kidnapping of Hindu girls and marrying them to Muslim men forcibly are common in Sindh. The Hindu community faces backlash from the Muslim majority in case of any incident of discrimination that takes place in India against Muslims. The demolition of the Babri Masjid led to the burning and destruction of Hindu temples in Pakistan. The patriotism of non-Muslims is often doubted. According to Dr Ramesh Kumar, a PML-N legislator, 5,000 Hindus are migrating from Pakistan on a daily basis.

Similarly, the Christian community often comes under attack through accusations of having committed blasphemy, which leads to mob violence, not only against the accused, but the entire Christian community. Shantinagar, Gojra and Joseph Colony incidents are examples of this.

The Ahmadi community is also persecuted. Hate campaigns by extremists have been carried out through speeches and hate literature, including pamphlets, stickers, wall-chalkings. People are incited to kill Ahamdis and destroy their places of worship. They live in a constant state of fear and are not safe even in death as there have been cases of their graves being desecrated.

Such violence does not only targets non-Muslim Pakistanis. Sectarian outfits that operate under state patronage with complete impunity, like the Lashkar-e-Jahangvi, have been involved in the killings of Hazaras. Despite claiming responsibility of staging attacks on Hazaras, no action has been taken against them.

What makes Pakistan the most dangerous place for minorities is the inability and unwillingness of the state to punish the culprits. A culture of impunity exists for those engaged in mob violence, vigilantism, accusing and killing people for committing blasphemy even if they are found innocent after court proceedings. The pseudo-concern shown by the government through paying monetary compensation to the families of deceased is meaningless. It needs to take a holistic approach and institute substantive measure to stop this madness.

First of all, the state must treat all its citizens as equals, irrespective of their religious affiliation. The government should take the initiative by moving a bill in parliament to remove all constitutional provisions that discriminate against non-Muslim citizens of Pakistan. Secondly, it should encourage the Council of Islamic Ideology to work with parliament in ensuring that there is no scope left for misusing the blasphemy law. It should also ban and take stern action against all those sectarian organisations that are promoting hatred and inciting violence.

The government needs to strictly monitor sermons given in religious congregations in mosques and elsewhere, and should take firm action against those promoting violence through them. All madrassas should be under the control of the provincial education departments and ministries. Hate material against minorities should be removed from the curriculum and respect for all world religions should be promoted in our textbooks.

Currently, 1,100 cases of blasphemy are registered in the country, the majority of them against Muslims. All these cases should be decided within the next six months and those found innocent must be released. Speedy justice and severe punishment must be given to those who were involved in mob violence in Joseph Colony and in the Kot Radha Kishan incidents. This could help give a sense of security to minorities. The government must compensate the victims of mob violence and beef up security in areas where minorities reside in large numbers. If it wants to show the people in the country and abroad that it is serious in protecting the rights of minorities, it must take steps to eliminate violence perpetrated in the name of religion and institute measures to alter the radical mindset of our society.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 25^th, 2014.

the original post available at:

http://tribune.com.pk/story/796478/in-the-name-of-religion-3/

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